Interrogation
versus Torture In The War on Terror
By Michael Crawford
My
twenty-four year old son was livid. "This behavior is
unacceptable." He was watching news reports of abuse at the Abu
Ghraib prison and he had become not only indignant but repulsed. I
waited patiently and eventually one of the cable channels finally
rebroadcast several views of Abu Ghraib prison as retold by prisoners
of
Saddam Hussein. He watched with gritted teeth but was
unfazed. "We are better than that!" he proclaimed and then I
understood.
Torture is on the most base of our responses to violence.
When it
seeks
to exact revenge it becomes intolerable by even the most hawkish
citizens of the world. Even faced with more severe abuses that
are clearly torturous to the most vicious, some will proclaim
humiliation as torture. We ARE better than that, and when U.S.
soldiers stoop to that kind of behavior, it angers us because we
identify with U.S. soldiers. My son does, he could be over there
in the place of some of those poor sods. And the point is understood
throughout the country. U.S. federal law prohibits torture at the
hands of U.S. citizens, even if they are not in the U.S. at the time
and even if those they are torturing are not U.S.
citizens. In this country, a person can go to jail for torturing
an animal.
However, the world is not black and white as civil libertarians wish it
to be. The fact is that war itself will create murder of
civilians and yes torture of combatants. To think otherwise is beyond
naive, it borders on the insane rationalizations of those who wish to
escape from the real world. Anyone serving in Bosnia could
tell you that hundreds of thousands of people protected by the Geneva
convention were never-the-less subjected to treatment far worse than in
Abu Ghraib prison. While a leader or two may wind up living in prison
for the rest of their lives, those who did the deed will never be
charged, let alone serve any time. The fact of the matter is that
every war has
evil inherent in its prosecution.
The question becomes whether such evil is necessary or
punishable. Our military courts are assuming it is and several
indictments and sentences have proven that it is.
The rule of law applies -- in that many of the combatants in Abu Ghraib
were indeed prisoners of war, having qualified at the time of their
capture due to their wearing a uniform, carrying a weapon, and being in
the chain of command of Saddam Hussein's military. Not all, mind you,
but many.
Thus the quote at the beginning of this article. If you haven't
read Andrew McCarthy's long and well written treatise on the subject
you should. I also have included in the further
reading section below, a reference to an even less libertarian and
perhaps not as well laid out view by Bob Weir. Bob goes as far as
to say not torturing someone who knows where a bomb is that will kill
500 school kids is not noble, he is simply stupid. I can heartily
agree with that.
This must be stated up front. I personally am somewhat of a
coward. I cry and whine at pain and could not stand up to much
humiliation. However in my life, I have voluntarily subjected
myself
to
such in the hopes of improving my sensitivity to others and to
hopefully understand myself better.
I realize at writing this,
that the treatment I was exposed to was perhaps a lot like some of the
treatment at Abu Ghraib,
and I know from experience that it did not stay with me long -- I
wonder if the real impact upon the victims at Abu Ghraib. Were
they as
traumatized a few months after their experience? This question
plagues me because I also realize that if one were to ask them that
question in this heightened period of sensitivity, they might very well
give the answer civil libertarians wish. Will they answer the
same one year from that imprisonment? After ten years? I
would contrast that to victims of the holocaust
and see just how traumatic Abu Ghraib really was.
In any case, I want to discuss the War on Terror in general, not Abu
Ghraib. It (the prison abuses) only serve to raise the issue, not
define it.
Terrorists
First of all, terrorists are not human. Yes, I said that. Sue
me. I define human as those who purport to be human must treat
others with humanity. I am reminded of science fiction's
treatments of cyborgs and robots as non-human. They are not human
therefore we can treat them as less than human and hope to not feel any
guilt. Of course, we apply humanity toward animals as well in our
libertarian and liberal society, so thus cruel treatment of animals
might apply more to terrorists than cruel treatment to human. I leave
that distinction to the reader.
I write that terrorists are not human for the simple reason that the
defy civilization -- you must concede with me that while our current
civilization is not perfect it is far better than that of Julius Caesar
for instance. Our civilization rationalizes that war occurs and
in
that event, evil things happen. Cities can get bombed and
innocents killed. The military's job, in time of peace and war,
is to ensure that its civilian population is protected, even at the
cost of the military personnel's life if it cannot be avoided.
Military officers in particular are given the responsibility (delegated
to that magnificent human the Sergeant) to protect those military
personnel subordinate to them. Anyone who thinks Generals are
uncaring and throw away military lives, or that Secretary Rumsfeld is
uncaring is in fact an idiot without a clue as to the real world.
Spend a little time with them in the real world and you will see a far
different person than some media outlets are attempting to paint them.
Back to the point. Protecting civilians does not mean protecting
civilians who pick up a weapon. Once a civilian picks up a
weapon, he becomes a combatant. If he or she is not wearing a uniform
at the time, and does not answer to a chain of command to the nation or
its militia, he or she becomes an unqualified combatant.
Worse than a
spy, the unqualified combatant can be shot on the spot and without any
compunction. Why? Because wars are evil and it is hard
enough to fight them when the sides wear uniforms and follow the chain
of command. This is not supposition, it has been recognized since all
recorded history and remains a fact in today's well codified rule of
law. I call your attention to the quote again,
"The Third Geneva Convention affords specific protections
to prisoners of war: that is, lawful or privileged combatants who have
been captured while taking part in hostilities. POW status is generally
limited to two categories: members of the armed forces of nations that
are parties to the conflict, and members of militias and organized
resistance movements that belong to a nation that is a party to the
conflict, provided they fulfill the conditions mentioned above (being
part of a formal chain of command, wearing uniforms, etc.). " 1
Terrorist
organizations such as Al Qaeda, Hamas or Hezbollah (just to name a few)
are not "members of militias and organized resistance movements that
belong to a nation that is party to the conflict." Zarqawi, for
instance, just because he is living in Iraq currently, is not a member
of an organized resistance in Iraq. He migrated to Iraq
specifically to fight.
Moreover, he and his followers don't wear
uniforms, and clearly have no concept of protecting innocents in any
way, shape, or form. And indeed, the Geneva conventions * also
makes
it clear that even if you could consider Zarqawi associated with the
nation of Iraq, they relegate their opponents following the conventions
simply because Zarqawi people do not. While the world community
might wring their hands at it, Iraq's interim government and the
Coalition aiding them can do anything they want to Zarqawi and his
people. They lost any possible claim to rights at the first
beheading, not to mention car bombing, hostage taking, and public
executions.
The problem you see is that we, as civilized people do set up
rules. We believe in them, even if they function to perform evil
things. We kill murders. A lot more nicely than previously
as Andrew McCarthy points out, but we do it never-the-less. In
war, we allow inflicting of casualties with just about any weapon we
can muster. The United States is legally bound by ratified
treaties not to use some weapons unless first used against us -- for
instance WMD. But we can use teflon bullets if the other guy
wears armor and we can wear better armor with if the other guy is using
teflon bullets. That is warfare.
Our rules of war seek to carefully point out who are "protected
combatants". Soldiers are defined quite well. Al Qaeda,
Hamas, and Hezbollah simply don't qualify. Why not? Is this some
western conspiracy? Of course not. They don't qualify
exactly for the reason they do not wish to qualify until
captured. They do not wear uniforms so they can sneak up on those
who do or hide among civilians, both of which disqualify them to
civilized rules of law. Many who wring their hands at this decry
that war is evil and therefore speaking about the rule of law in such
sentences is speaking nonsense. That attitude is ignorant beyond belief
and only serves to hurry the impending death of the very civilization
that allows them to wring their hands in relative comfort and far from
danger.
Here is how Andrew McCarthy penned this notion in a manner far better
than I:
"Militant
Islamic terrorists like those belonging to al Qaeda manifestly do not
qualify for POW status because they are not lawful combatants: they are
not part of a nation state, they are not signatories of the Geneva
Conventions, they do not wear uniforms, they do not as a rule carry
their weapons openly, they hide among (and thus gravely imperil)
civilian population and infrastructure, and they intentionally target
civilians for indiscriminate mass homicide in order to extort
concessions from governments they oppose. As a result, they do not
enjoy the special privileges of POWs, such as entitlements during
interrogation to limit their answers to "pedigree" information and to
refuse to answer other questions." 1
Of
course this statement does not address the issue of torture. Even
if it did, one might judge, if Al Qaeda don't qualify, then the
Conventions don't apply either. Except for one fact that troubles all
of us. The Conventions didn't stop at describing prisoners
of war...or some interpretation of that particular status. Looking back
(and believe me it was a long
process) at the framer's remarks at the time of the ratification of the
Conventions, it becomes clear that they intended to make sure that
civilians did not lose protection as civilians because they weren't
soldiers. In other words, you can't treat a civilian worse than a
soldier because they aren't a protected soldier. Remember, the idea is
to protect civilians.
Many libertarians jump at that notion of protecting civilians as
applying to Al Qaeda. They aren't soldiers, therefore they must
be civilians. If they pick up a gun, are they not criminals -- a
special class of civilian that suddenly gives them a whole new set of
rights and protections?
Unfortunately for Al Qaeda, this is not the case. McCarthy has
boiled this down to a few key paragraphs:
"Persons taking no active part in the
hostilities, including members of
the armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed hors de
combat by . . . detention . . . shall in all circumstances be treated
humanely[,] [and not subjected to] violence to life and person, in
particular, murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and
torture[,] [nor to] outrages upon personal dignity, in particular
humiliating and degrading treatment. [Emphasis added.] " 1
The key here is the phrase "persons taking no active part in the
hostilities". Al Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, Al Zarqawi's followers
not only take part in the hostilities, they foment, cause, perform and
then brag about the hostilities they create!
So if they are not soldier, not civilian, and not criminals, then what
are they?
The Conventions have a clear view as to what they are.
Unqualified combatants. This is a simple statement with huge
consequences. If a soldier strips his uniform and poses as a civilian,
as terrorists do on a routine basis, they become Unqualified
Combatants. The conventions are clear - they can be shot on the
spot. During World War II for instance, this was common.
You encounter a irregular, you can simply execute them and move
on. Only if the combatant is in uniform do you apply the
conventions. Otherwise, the already dangerous battlefield becomes ten
times as dangerous. Guess what, that is exactly what Al Qaeda
wants libertarians to help them do - make the battlefield ten times
more dangerous. When the bleeding hearts whine at the treatment
of Al Qaeda and their ilk, that is exactly what they are doing, aiding
and providing comfort to the enemy at a time of war. There is a vast
difference between questioning the government and aiding. Some
would have such questions asked quietly and carried forward until the
war ends before addressing them. Indeed, many of older Americans
will note that was what happened in WWII, Roosevelt and his cabinet
carefully noting such issues along with their Congressional colleagues
and which were addressed after the war by Truman and Eisenhower.
McCarthy also points out there was a later effort in 1971 to add a new
provision to the Conventions, one in which the U.S. Congress as well as
the Executive Branch of the U.S government have steadfastly chosen NOT
to ratify. It is Protocol I Additional, dated June 8,
1977 and relating to the "Protection of Victims of International Armed
Conflicts." Europeans adopted the protocol but again I need
to emphasis, the U.S. did not. The rationale is obvious today, but
perhaps not so obvious at the time.
Protocol I "pushed to extend Geneva protections to members of non state
militias—often, guerrillas engaged in fighting colonial powers or other
regimes backed by the West (especially the United States)." This
was an effort on the part of many of the Socialist European governments
to thwart anti-socialist American efforts throughout the world in the
1970s. Constant liberal attempts to ratify Protocol I have been
regularly rebuffed by huge margins in Congress over the decades and
only today is there interest again. Clearly, in today's War on
Terror, the only beneficiaries to such policy would be Al Qaeda and
their brethren. As the U.S. HAS NOT ratified Protocol I,
terrorists are still unqualified combatants and do not fall under the
auspices of the Conventions.
Back to torture. Mcarthy points out that regardless of whether
terrorists are unqualified combatants only matters to military
treatment of these combatants. Once they are removed from the
battlefield, it is arguable that they become prisoners under the care
of U.S. citizens. That is where law once again applies. As
I stated earlier, it is against Federal law to torture anyone. Period.
Simple.
We can turn to the law or the Conventions once again an both are pretty
clear on this score.
McCarthy again points this out clearly:
"The
first reason is that the United States is a signatory to an
international treaty barring torture: this is the United Nations
Convention
Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment.
The treaty is dated December 10, 1984 and was ratified in 1994, thus
earning the force of binding law. The second reason is that federal law
also categorically prohibits torture. ...signatory state must
"undertake to prevent in any territory under its jurisdiction other
acts of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment" even if
they are not so severe as to "amount to torture as defined in Article
1." 1
That
pretty much is that. "Cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or
punishment." Some libertarians argue that capital punishment is
in fact already abrogates the treaty, however as McCarthy later points
out, the U.S. carefully negotiated a disclaimer over capital punishment
into the treaty just for that reason.
Torture and similar treatment are protected by
federal law, as McCarthy notes:
"American
courts, including the Supreme Court, have held that its protection
extends only to those already convicted of crimes; that is, the
"punishments" it regulates are those meted out after guilty verdicts.
Similarly with the government's mandate under the Fifth and Fourteenth
Amendments to provide "due process of law": again, that term pertains
almost exclusively to judicial proceedings and its substantive
content is, to put it mildly, highly debatable." 1
This
does leave the door open to "treatment" of detainees versus "treatment"
of prisoners. The recent U.S. Supreme Court ruling that detainees
must become prisoners or released in a reasonable timeframe means that
the high court recognizes that even if the detainees at Guantanimo Bay
are not protected combatants as in P.O.W., they must be charged
(defined as a unqualified combatant) or released. The U.S.
government is now in the process of making those determinations and has
begun tribunals to determine that qualification or release.
Since it is illegal under federal law to torture anyone, then the
definition of treatment becomes the issue. So
it all boils down to what is torture. McCarthy pulls out the
definitions (which are long and laborious) and paraphrases them for us:
"Federal law also makes "severe mental
pain or suffering" actionable
with respect to a wide variety of menacing behavior. As long as mental
harm is "prolonged," it is grounds for torture charges if the harm
results from the intentional or threatened infliction of severe
physical pain or suffering; from the administration or threatened
administration of "mind-altering substances or other procedures
calculated to disrupt profoundly the senses or the personality"; from a
"threat of imminent death"; or from threats that another person will
imminently be subjected to such abuses. Not only those who engage in
such behavior but those who conspire to engage in it, even if they are
unsuccessful, are subject to prosecution." 1
Thus
the prosecutions of those military personnel at Abu Ghraib -- the
Military Code of Justice (MoJ) does not call out this particular
repudiation of U.S. law and all military are subject to any U.S. law no
matter where they are, as long as that law is not modified by the MoJ
specifically. Regardless of POW status at the prison, abuses were
illegal.
But as to Al Qaeda, the law may remain clear.
And this is where reality invades our precise definition of the
law. If I have Zarqawi's top Lt. in my hands, I am probably going
to humiliate him, threaten him with death, and maybe threaten to force
him to eat a little pork (assuming he is a devout Muslim and that to
him this is a fate worse then death). My point is that I, the
coward, would probably find it quite easy to inflict a little torture
on Zarqawi's Lt.
Why? Because, like any human I am weak. I am weak enough to
want to know where the next car bomb, IED, or kidnapping and subsequent
beheading is likely to take place, and I am not going to let a little
thing like the rule of law hold me back. I speed in my car on
occasion, I will break this federal law on occasion. And that
of course is what freaks libertarians out. Liberals too, because
most liberals are happy to bend and break laws in the privacy of their
own lives, but will not admit to it in public unless it has to do with
excesses that their compatriots judge as admirable -- like wild sex and
a new wife every six months. My point, if you can ignore the jab, is
that I will admit to being weak enough to more than just want to break
Federal laws on torturing of Al Qaeda and their brethren.
Why? Because I am base enough to see that if they are fighting
this war like that, then keeping my hands pristine is a fool's errand
and as dangerous to my family, friends, city, state, and nation as they
are.
Let's make that VERY clear. We are at war for our very
existence. It's worth repeating. We are at war for our very
existence. If you doubt that, take a look at any Bin Laden
tape. If it isn't clear to you that in this man's view of the
world set "right", we cannot exist, then you need to sit down and
reflect on who you are and what your daily life means. If you
don't attend a Whabbist Mosque, chances are that you are not worthy of
life on this planet, and your fate is not better than Daniel
Pearl. Even if you attend Mosque, there is still a good chance
that you
are a dead man walking. If you are in or a supporter of the Saudi Royal
Family, you're dead meat. If you are the King of Jordan, you
probably have only a 50-50 chance of living through the night, and if
you are Israeli or a Jew living anywhere in the world, I couldn't
promise you five minutes.
The fact is that almost every middle eastern terrorist organization
(MILNET has a nice list for
you) will kill you at best, and torture you
at worst. You. Not just me, or Rumsfeld, or GW.
You! Paint a freakin' target on your forehead and get a
clue.
Thus if torturing one of hose nut cases damages my standing in the
community of nations, so be it, point me the way. Of course, I
don't have much to worry about, not many 53 year old cowards get called
to torture Al Qaeda detainees. But if anyone is looking for
volunteers, I am here.
Thus we have the reality of torture. No, in a perfect world we
should not have to do it. But in THIS world, volunteers are
numerous and we, as a nation, may very well need to do it. Yes,
that's right, we have to start thinking about changing our laws so that
we can. That is what Andrew McCarthy is proposing, seriously, and I
quite agree. Here I quote McCarthy in a large extent to lessen my
coloration of the concept:
"Federal law also makes "severe mental pain or
suffering" actionable
with respect to a wide variety of menacing behavior. As long as mental
harm is "prolonged," it is grounds for torture charges if the harm
results from the intentional or threatened infliction of severe
physical pain or suffering; from the administration or threatened
administration of "mind-altering substances or other procedures
calculated to disrupt profoundly the senses or the personality"; from a
"threat of imminent death"; or from threats that another person will
imminently be subjected to such abuses. Not only those who engage in
such behavior but those who conspire to engage in it, even if they are
unsuccessful, are subject to prosecution.
"All of which is to suggest that a significant gap
exists between our
wishes and reality. This is hardly unusual, either in life or in law.
Take the canons of ethics that govern the behavior of attorneys. They
are divided into two sections: ethical considerations and disciplinary
rules. The former are the high principles that lawyers are enjoined to
emulate; the latter are threshold commands of which they must not fall
short on pain of sanction. So it is with torture. Even as we sincerely
aspire never to resort to it, we are required to acknowledge that there
are some instances in which it might be employed; therefore, it is
incumbent upon us to regulate how and under what circumstances that
could permissibly be done, and to prosecute aggressively those who step
outside the parameters we undertake to define.
. . .
"The task, then, is to create controlled, highly
regulated, and
responsibly accountable conditions. Toward this end, Dershowitz has
proposed the notion of torture warrants. 6 Under
such a system, the
government would have to apply to a federal court for permission to
administer a predetermined form of non-lethal torture. The warrant
would be issued only on a showing of reasonable grounds for believing
that a catastrophe was impending, that the person to be subjected to
torture had information about this event, that he had been given
immunity (meaning, his statements could not be used against him in
court and therefore he could not invoke the Fifth Amendment privilege
against self-incrimination as a basis for refusing to answer), and that
he had nevertheless remained silent.
"Other conditions might be added. There could be
limitations on who
would be eligible for such treatment: for example, convicted terrorists
or those who, even if not previously convicted, could be demonstrated
to be terrorists according to some rigorous standard of proof.
Application would have to be made with the approval of a high-ranking
government official—the decision could not be entrusted to a
twenty-three year-old reservist assigned as custodian of a brig for
mass murderers. Since torture would now be permitted, under stricture
and with scrupulous judicial monitoring, no excuse would exist for
engaging in torture outside the process, and those shown to have done
so would be vigorously prosecuted. " 1
You can read Dershowitz's
interview on CNN 6 to get the flavor of his
comments for yourself.
*
NOTE: The Geneva Conventions, parts one through four are
binding as law on the U.S. and its citizens. In 1971 the U.S. Congress,
at the urging of the Executive Branch (Gerald Ford's administration)
failed to ratify
follow-on codicils to the Geneva Convention which would have given
terrorists the same rights as military personnel and medical personal
in the war theater. At the time, libertarians and liberals alike
screamed. Today, we find it comforting that Al Qaeda, who murders
innocents daily, wears no uniform and follows no conventions of war,
are not protected by U.S. law based on the Geneva Conventions.
Congress has steadfastly refused to approve the Protocol I and II since
then. Congress watchers should keep an eye out though, Terrorist
rights supporters abound in this country.
Relevant Quote:
U.S. Army/U.S. Department of Defense, J-03-07 Doctrine Document,
Appendix B-24, B-25, and B-26 (pgs B-6 and B-7):
"The
law of war applies to all cases of declared war or any other armed
conflicts that arise between the US and other nations, even if the
state of war is not recognized by one of them. It also applies to
cases of partial or total occupation. Common article 2 of the
Geneva Conventions discusses such occupations. Armed conflicts
such as the Falklands War, the Iran-Iraq War, and Operation Desert
Storm were clearly international armed conflicts to which the law of
war applied. While the 1977 Protocol I to the 1949 Geneva
Conventions has expanded the application to include certain wars of
"national liberation", the US does not recognized this extension of the
law of war.
B-25
In peace operations, such as those in Somalia, Haiti, and Bosnia, the
question arises whether the law of war applies. The issue hinges
on whether the peace operations forces undertake a combatant
role. So far, the US, UN, and NATO believe that their forces have
not become combatants, despite carrying out offensive-type operations,
such as the use of Task Force Ranger in Somalia and Operations DENY
FLIGHT and DELIBERATE FORCE in Bosnia. Although the law of war
does not apply to these operations, the US, UN, and NATO have their
forces apply the "principle and spirit" of the law of war in these
operations.
B-26.
This approach is consistent with DOD policy to comply with the law of
war "in the conduct of military operations and related activities in
armed conflict, however, such conflicts are characterized" (DODD
5100.77, paragraph 5.3.1). CJCSI 5810.01B, paragraph 4.a. states
that the US forces :will comply with the law of war during all armed
conflicts, however such conflicts are characterized, and unless
otherwise directed by competent authorities." In applying DOD policy,
however, allowance must be made during these operations. US
forces often lack the resources to comply with the law of war to the
letter. The US complies with the law of war to the extent
"practicable and feasible" (memorandum of W. Hays Parks to the judge
advocate general of the Army, 1 October 1990)."
Further Reading:
- Torture:
Thinking about the Unthinkable, Andrew McCarthy, Commentary
Magazine, 7/14/2004
- Torture:
Can we handle the truth, Bob Wier, The American Thinker, 1/8/2005
- The Geneva Convention,
MILNET Mirror of the text of the ICRC documents in total.
- How
Should We Coerce Life-Saving Information from Terrorists?, Michael
M. Rosen, Tech Central Station, 1/11/2005
- How
to Interrogate Terrorists, Heather MacDonald, City Journal, Winter,
2005
- Dershowitz
- Torture Could Be Justified, CNN Access, 3/4/2003
- U.S.Dod
Publication J-03-07, Stability Operations and Support Operations,
Appendix B-24, pg. B-3, Law of War, February 2003
©
Copyright 2005, Michael Crawford for MILNET