MILNET
Brief
An
Intelligence Briefing by Mohamed Ibn Guadi
"I strongly believe that the messenger is as
important, if not more important, than the message. To date we have
paraded a host of ineffective officials to sell American policies in
the Middle East. There is a curious yet unconscious ignorance on the
part of our leadership in both political parties of the reality that
Arab Americans could not be effective salesmen of American public
diplomacy in the Middle East."
- Joseph
Ghougassian, Public Diplomacy in the
Middle East, 5/11/2005
|
Joe Ghougassian sets his sights on a major problem
in our diplomacy in the Middle East. Hopefully his colleagues
will listen to his extremely perceptive view on how to improve that
diplomacy. We think you'll agree, Joe probably has a better clue
than many of the talking heads in the mainstream media, and certainly
makes an excellent case for dramatic change.
- MILNET

Public Diplomacy in the Middle East
Joseph Ghougassian, 5/11/2005
What should the United States do to
win the minds and hearts of people in the Middle East Much of the
world’s media and most intellectual elites oppose us, probably the
inevitable result of our unquestioned pre-eminence, militarily,
economically, and culturally. Nowhere is this more true than in the
Middle East, so there is a big job to be done. Fortunately, the right
woman for the job has just been nominated by President Bush.
Public diplomacy is the art of selling a country’s positions to
overseas audiences. Karen Hughes, President Bush’s trusted advisor, has
been named head of the State Department’s Office of Public Diplomacy.
Under the leadership of Secretary of State Rice and the new Under
Secretary Hughes, a new American public diplomacy can bring about
favorable social changes among the people in the Middle East, and a new
attitude toward America and Americans.
The United States should focus its public diplomacy on our historic
actions and achievements in Iraq, where facts speak louder than words.
A majority of Iraqis do, in fact, credit America for their liberation
from the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, for bringing democracy, free
elections and freedom of the press, for instituting multi-party
politics, for promoting multi-ethnic cooperation, for legislating human
rights and a bill of individual rights, and for creating the
opportunity for the people to approve their own constitution through a
plebiscite.
The roots for changes in the Middle East are in Iraq. A strong,
transparent, democratic and viable Iraq should become a lodestone for
democratic changes and a surrogate for the US to achieve democratic
changes in the Middle East (including Iran). This process of
transformation has already begun. The Lebanese revolution is an
offshoot of the political changes that have taken place in Iraq;
Egypt’s call for multi-political parties to participate in the next
Presidential election is a consequence of the free elections that took
place in Iraq on January 28, 2005.
As Iraqis continue to fight the Zarqawi terrorists, and gain a better,
fairer, more prosperous society as a result, eventually other Arab
citizens will ostracize the terrorists living among them. Islam
traditionally does not condone the cruelty and criminality of these
outcast Muslim infidels. Iraq is gradually but measurably turning into
a model Arab democratic nation for other Arab nations to emulate.
Education is one key
American values like academic freedom, equality of opportunity
regardless of sex, race, ethnicity, or religion, the spirit of open and
transparent competition, and the distribution of rewards based on merit
have broad appeal in Iraq, a multi-ethnic, multi-religious society,
long deprived of them. When I was with the Coalition Provisional
Authority, I worked toward the rebuilding of higher education in Iraq
as a means of demonstrating that these values could be brought into
play quickly and effectively.
From personal knowledge I knew that Iraqi academicians needed to
ameliorate their educational standards, which had historically been
among the highest in the Arab world. These democratic values were
non-existent in Saddam’s educational system
Fulbright Scholarships, awarded to non-American students to study in
United States higher educational institutions, were the first project
in which these values were put into play in a highly visible manner, in
order to teach Iraqi academicians about them, and institutionalize
these values in higher education.
First of all, the terms, conditions, requirements, field of studies,
deadlines, date of exams were all clearly listed for the candidates to
qualify for the prized education in American universities, so no Iraqis
were denied the equal opportunity to submit his/her Fulbright
application or enter the competition.
In the past, foreign scholarships had been given to the Iraq Ministry
of Education to manage and distribute them at its discretion. The end
results were flagrant nepotism and corruption as the Ministry staff
would sell the scholarships to the higher bidders. In fact, the
Ministry tried to muscle the Fulbright Scholarhips from me to disperse
them as it pleased. After a strong confrontation, the Ministry backed
down.
Given the fact that postal and telephone services were virtually
non-existent in Iraq, electronic/internet communication were scarce and
primitive, and the security situation in the country was not stable, I
decided to use whatever means of public communication were available to
announce nationally the Fulbright Scholarships in a timely fashion. I
developed a systematic program of public communication, writing scripts
for TV stations, radio broadcasts, notices for newspapers, university
flyers, and coordinating with the Ministry and universities.
Also, in order to minimize the misinformation that kept coming from the
Ministry and various university campuses about the scholarships, I
opened satellite centers of information in Basra, Najaf, Karbala,
Baghdad, Sulaymania, Erbil and Mosul, managed by Coalition Provisional
Authority staff. On a daily basis I communicated with individuals in
the fields about requirements, application forms, date and location of
the TOEFL [Test of English as a Foreign Language] exam, and a myriad of
other issues. And I engaged in an aggressive email correspondence with
thousand of applicants all over Iraq.
Furthermore, to help institutionalize and make transparent the process
of deciding on scholarship recipients, I established two bi-national
committees to evaluate and select the 25 finalists. Each committee was
composed of four Americans and four Iraqis. This mechanism guaranteed,
in the eyes of the Iraqi people and the applicants themselves, that the
process would be fair, equitable and based on merit.
I was given a deadline of four weeks from the date of the public
announcement to the date of the TOEFL exam. The State Department told
me I would be lucky if 150 applicants took the TOEFL exam. In fact,
close to 500 Iraqi students and professors appeared on the day of the
exam. Also, I had to turn down through Internet correspondence
thousands of applicants who did not meet the requirements. At least
this time.
Never before had Iraq academicians experienced such transparency,
academic freedom and equality of opportunity in education. The process,
even more than the outcome, was critical to achieving the public
diplomacy mission of selling our values and our help.
As in the case of the Fulbright scholarships, I applied the same public
diplomacy framework in launching two other national educational
programs: the Iraq Faculty Development Training program, and the
creation of a new two years academic curriculum in Administration of
Justice in Iraq’s community colleges.
About the latter, I saw the needs for such new educational program. The
values predicated by the public policy here centered on security in
Iraq, on facilitating careers in law enforcement for dedicated, honest,
and patriotic Iraqis, developing professionalism, instilling ethical
accountability, and understanding the requirements of national
security, “new educational major”, “new employment opportunity”, and
“new sourcing for decreasing American forces in Iraq”.
Mass media’s role
Using Iraq as a model for democratic changes, the US sponsored Al-Hurra
TV should design programs that promote to its Arab viewers the ideas of
free elections, multi-party democracy, constitutionalism, elimination
of corruption by officials, the rule of law and the idea that nobody is
above the law, freedom of religion, human rights, ethnic tolerance,
free market economy, equality between sexes, equality of opportunity in
education and work place, and other such bedrocks of a free society.
Presently, Al-Hurra TV is weak, in disarray, timid in its programing,
contributes little to public diplomacy, and is superfluous in
comparison to the other local Arab networks. Al-Hurra TV needs a
complete makeover.
It should develop programs that invite prominent Arab scholars to talk
about some of the values I listed above, and also, invite Arab
Americans to speak about their American experiences. The USA as a place
of human dignity, individual rights, respect and economic opportunity
needs to be seen by local audiences.
To counter the negative image many Arabs have about the US forces
fighting in Iraq, Al-Hurra TV should develop programs that invite Arab
American military personnel to speak about their experience in the US
armed forces and their fighting of the terrorists in Iraq. Al-Hurra
should also invite Iraqis to speak about the changes they are
experiencing in their new life of freedom since the downfall of Saddam.
Al-Hurra TV should become a bit combative against the misperceptions
and the false reporting spread by Al-Jazzira and Al-Arabia networks.
Al-Hurra TV needs to develop programs modeled after American cable
television talk shows, and take to task Al-Jazzira and Al-Arabia for
not broadcasting negative reports about their owners’ activities. An
Arab version of Bill O’Reilly would never lack for subjects to put into
a “no-spin zone.”
People-to-people
Arabs in various countries to communicate must be able among each other
on such topics as democracy, human rights, freedom from political
coercion, free elections, new constitution guaranteeing a bill of
individual rights, and other matters of concern. Means to facilitate
such discussions need to be invented, from sponsoring meetings to
promoting websites, broadcasts, and other means. Possibly, a new set of
American-style universities, colleges and community colleges in the
Middle East in the Middle East can be fostered, much as the earlier
American Universities in Beirut and Cairo were founded in earlier years.
The US should promote and help fund and support exchange programs
between Israeli and Palestinian academicians, youth groups, corporate
managers, professional associations, labor unions, mid-level government
officials, and other groups The sooner the Israeli-Palestinian peace
process yields results the better it would be for America in winning
the minds and hearts of Arab and Muslim people.
The same exchange programs ought to extend to other Arab nations. The
thorniest complaint levied by Arabs is that the US cares only about
Israel. Neither Israeli officials nor Arab officials have the will
power and wherewithal to create and fund the type of exchange programs
which are necessary.
The US should also strongly encourage Iraq, Qatar, Oman and Morocco to
establish diplomatic relations with Israel. These nations have already
held some sorts of diplomatic and economic relations with Tel-Aviv.
As a final thought, I strongly believe that the messenger is as
important, if not more important, than the message. To date we have
paraded a host of ineffective officials to sell American policies in
the Middle East. There is a curious yet unconscious ignorance on the
part of our leadership in both political parties of the reality that
Arab Americans could not be effective salesmen of American public
diplomacy in the Middle East.
Like many other ethnic groups, Arab Americans have prospered under the
benefits of a free and open society. More than anyone else, they have
the credibility and experience which can persuade their cousins in the
Middle East of the benefits democracy, respect for human rights,
capitalism, and peace can bring.
Joseph Ghougassian,
Ph.D., J.D. is former US Ambassador to Qatar and member of the
Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq.
© Copyright 2005, Douglas Hanson and Mohamed Ibn Guadi
Reprinted on MILNET with Permission of the Authors